Few takers in Tamil Nadu for parallel polls proposal
PM Modi is taking a crack at something his predecessors failed - holding simultaneous elections to the state assemblies and Lok Sabha. But unlike demonetisation which could be imposed top-down from the Centre, this is an idea that needs consensus as the starting point. And in states like TN that has seen its Assembly dissolved no less than four times, there understandably, is little enthusiasm
By : migrator
Update: 2018-02-27 19:51 GMT
Chennai
Narendra Modi is not the first to pitch the idea of holding synchronised polls. His one-time political guru LK Advani had proposed the it in 2009, and the Law Commission had recommended it a decade before that. The simultaneity since the first general elections in 1952 was broken when the Congress government under Jawaharlal Nehru government dissolved EMS Namboodaripad’s Left government in Kerala in 1959.
As the 60th anniversary of the breaking of simultaneity coincides with his re-election campaign for general elections 2019, the prime minister has taken up the idea again. He mentioned it in a speech late last year, spoke strongly for it during one of his rare media interactions, and then reportedly asked NDA allies to at least start a debate on it. It also found space in President Ram Nath Kovind’s address to the Parliament before the recent budget session. However, from legal hurdles like Constitutional amendment to political consensus, Modi and party president Amit Shah have a tough task at hand to translate this idea into reality.
First, the government has its job cut out in getting the nod of both Houses of the Parliament to amend at least four Articles of the Constitution, and the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which elaborate on the terms of elected legislatures, their dissolution, and notification of the next election.
Under synchronised poll system, if a government falls mid-term, the state would be under President’s rule. Even if an election is conducted, the term will be curtailed to the remaining part of the five-year period.
There is bound to be distrust in the states, especially where regional parties are flourishing. The recent dissolutions of Arunachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand governments, and the Congress’ infamous track record in invoking Article 356 of the Constitution on dubious grounds, and the perception that central agencies are being used to control state satraps do not inspire confidence in them. “People elect a party to power for five years. To arbitrarily dissolve a government is a complete violation of their democratic rights. Like the Union government which has sovereignty over the country, a state government has sovereignty over that state. It is a legitimate government elected by the people of a state. It is not compatible with democracy to dismiss a government prematurely. India is a federal democracy,” criticised psephologist Venkatesh Atreya.
While BJP-ruled states like Goa and Uttar Pradesh are expected to fall in line to the plan, chief ministers of West Bengal (Mamata Banerjee, Trinamool Congress), Punjab (Amarinder Singh, Congress), Arvind Kejriwal (Delhi, AAP) and even Bihar, where ally Nitish Kumar of JD(U) is in power, are unlikely to share the enthusiasm.
What prompts Modi to bring back the idea despite the odds heavily stacked against it? Critics believe that the BJP is hoping to capitalise on the ‘Narendra Modi factor’ to dwarf regional parties and issues that they raise, and consolidate power. The presidential style of politics that synchronised polls would entail would be favourable to the national parties, especially the present BJP that has mastered the art of aggressive campaigning. “After failing to fulfil promises like creating two crore jobs, and creating chaos like demonetisation, the BJP is attempting to salvage the situation in states where they are facing strong anti-incumbency. It will not work to their advantage. If that was the case, BJP should have won by elections in Rajasthan. It is fundamentally undemocratic and an attack on federalism,” Atreya added.
Amendments required for holding parallel polls
Articles in the Indian Constitution:
- 83 - Tenure of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha
- 85 (2) (b) - dissolution of Lok Sabha
- 172 (1) - tenure of state Assemblies
- 174 (2) – dissolution of Assemblies
- Sections 14 and 15 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951
Pros & cons
- The 2014 LS poll cost an estimated Rs 3,870 cr. But the ECI says simultaneous polls would require only Rs 4,500 cr in total
- Stability in governance, as the party in power need not be in campaign mode always
- Reduce election expenses and thus curb political corruption
- Cost is not high for a country of India’s size. Also, procuring the additional EVMs and VVPATs would cost nearly Rs 10,000 crore
- The complaint about being in perpetual election mode is applicable only to national parties
- Fixed term negates legitimate means like no-confidence motion
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