Editorial: Belligerence at the border - Who will blink first?

The meeting between Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his Chinese counterpart Wei Fenghe in Moscow appears to have made no headway in reducing tensions along the Line of Control in Eastern Ladakh. Both sides seem to have stuck to their positions, blaming each other for breaches and the failure to disengage.

By :  migrator
Update: 2020-09-06 20:30 GMT

Chennai

The latest escalation in tension follows information that the People’s Liberation Army made further incursions near the south bank of Pangong Lake. Earlier, the Chinese had occupied the stretch of land between Finger 4 and 8 in the northern banks of the lake, and also some higher regions, sparking off the confrontation that led to the deaths of soldiers on both sides.

In what is being described as a pre-emptive measure, India occupied the higher reaches, thwarting the recent Chinese move, which appeared aimed at opening up a new front in that region. In doing so, India has sent a firm signal that it will not back down. Also, that it is prepared to take steps to ‘neutralise’ the unilateral Chinese moves in the northern area of Pangong Lake. While this is a tough stance, the question is what this means for the larger objective – complete disengagement and de-escalation along the Line of Control.

The amassing of Chinese troops has led India to improve its defences along the Line of Control, resulting in what the US President Donald Trump recently described as a “nasty standoff.” That two nuclear powers should amass their troops in such close proximity is certainly a worry for the rest of the world. The official Chinese media, which is no stranger to sounding hostile and aggressive, has raised the prospect of war, by stating that in the event of one breaking out, India has no chance of winning.

Meanwhile, New Delhi seems determined to alter the nature of its economic engagement with China, having gone ahead with the second round of ban on Chinese apps, and preparing the ground for reducing Chinese investment in some sectors. As things stand, the economic ‘embrace’ is a little too tight for a quick extrication. India is dependent on Chinese imports for its drugs and electronic components sector; over a quarter of the automobile part imports come from China. New Delhi may take some heart from the fact that the US – which now believes that it spurred economic growth in China with little reciprocal benefit – is also attempting to level the economic playing field. But US-China policy may depend on who wins the next presidential election and other such vagaries. In the long run, there is only one answer – improve India’s military and economic position to reduce imbalance with Beijing. Only this two-pronged approach will serve regional stability and safeguard India’s security.

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