Editorial: Kane and Abel...and Kongu Nadu

CHENNAI: A war of words had ensued between the BJP and AIADMK after BJP Tamil Nadu President K Annamalai made some historically divergent remarks about Dravidian icon CN Annadurai. Annamalai’s refusal to apologise for his remarks had catalysed a firestorm of sorts in the main opposition. In retaliation, AIADMK spokesperson D Jayakumar dropped a bombshell as he said the party no longer viewed BJP as its ally in Tamil Nadu. The comments were intended to send a message to the national leadership of the saffron brigade, and inspired an overwhelming backing from the party cadre.

Knowing well that such a decision would prove to be electoral hara-kiri, BJP’s top brass instructed its state unit to refrain from making any comments about its ally AIADMK or its leaders. Even Annamalai made a U-turn when he remarked that there was no problem between the BJP and AIADMK. It might have been convenient for the stakeholders involved to forgive, forget, and move on. However, there are machinations driving the actions of the key opposition players.

This was probably the first time AIADMK leaders openly criticised BJP’s national leadership for its failure in reining in the local pointman, who as per the AIADMK has previously targeted front-ranking leaders of the Dravidian Movement, including Periyar, as well as J Jayalalithaa. This prompted the Dravidian party to adopt a resolution against Annamalai, at whose doors a chunk of the blame pertaining to the rift is being placed.

Two months after the AIADMK lost power in the May 2021 Assembly poll, former Law Minister C Ve Shanmugam pinned the blame for his party’s defeat on the BJP, alleging that the alliance had alienated minorities. Later, in February 2022, the state unit of BJP contested the urban local body elections on its own, which prompted AIADMK veteran C Ponnaiyan to lash out at the national party for aspiring to grow at the expense of the Dravidian party. It’s a rhetoric that Annamalai stands by as he has clarified that BJP’s mission is to eat into the votebase of the AIADMK. He is especially keen on tapping the 35% electorate that votes neither for AIADMK nor DMK.

These episodes have set the stage for regular showdowns between the two irascible allies, notwithstanding the voice of reason and olive branches extended by PM Modi as part of his southern outreach programmes. What has also come to notice is that EPS wasn’t particularly elated following the meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah last week in New Delhi. The bone of contention is the national party seeking more seats among the 40 Tamil Nadu constituencies, and its demand for the list of constituencies, particularly in the Western region, or the Kongu Nadu, which happens to be EPS’s stronghold.

Team EPS has not ruled out the potential for rapprochement, although it might demoralise the cadre who are confident about going it alone. Observers are doubtful about BJP’s ability to pocket a few seats in the Lok Sabha polls courtesy the AIADMK, even if the two eventually kiss and make-up. The recent developments are a bellwether of the interesting times that lie ahead in the run up to the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. It’s also a pointer to how political end goals end up uniting the strangest of bedfellows.