Editorial: Rinpoche's Indo-US ‘Kai Po Che’

In the run-up to the 89th birthday celebrations of the Dalai Lama last week, a bipartisan US congressional delegation had met with the Dalai Lama in Dharamshala a month ago, which sparked anger from neighbouring China which views the exiled spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism as a dangerous separatist. The development came on the back of Washington and Beijing recently rekindling dialogue after several diplomatically tumultuous years during which the Trump administration had imposed tariffs on Chinese goods.

The high-level delegation, which also included Democratic former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, met with officials from the Tibetan government-in-exile, which seeks more autonomy for Tibet. The reason for the visit was to highlight the Resolve Tibet Act, passed by the US Congress last month, which aimed at encouraging dialogue between the Dalai Lama and Chinese officials with the hopes of finding a peaceful resolution between Tibet and Beijing. The Act talks about Beijing’s current policies, which suppress the ability of the Tibetan people to preserve their religion, language, culture, heritage, way of life, and environment. The bill is to be sent to the White House for President Joe Biden to sign into a law.

Beijing doesn’t recognise the Tibetan administration and hasn’t held any dialogue with the representatives of the Dalai Lama since 2010. In fact, Beijing has repeatedly asked the US not to interfere with Tibetan affairs and has argued that the people of Tibet have enjoyed social stability and economic growth under its rule. Strangely, India considers Tibet to be part of China, even as it hosts over 70,000 Tibetan exiles here. Pelosi's visit marks the first time in many years that a public outreach event such as this has been held in India.

However, it was pointed out that the delegation's meeting with PM Modi was bereft of any dialogue pertaining to Tibet — an indication of New Delhi avoiding to stir the Sino-Tibetan wok, especially in the presence of the interloper Washington. India’s noncommittal stance on Tibet, having allowed American politicians to hog the limelight and pitch for a US policy was seen by analysts as indicative of letting a carefully programmed foreign policy narrative on Tibet, spin out of India’s critical sphere of influence.

In a recent commentary, a foreign policy expert Claude Arpi had underscored how Tibet as a topic of conversation had gradually ebbed from the Indian Parliament. Transcripts of Rajya Sabha debates between 2006 and 2023 revealed the diminishing occurrence of any reference to Tibet in questions and statements presented in the House. From 2006-2012, Tibet was referred to between 30-40 times every year. This is not indicative of a full-fledged policy debate that transpired on the disputed region — just a name drop on account of border or financial issues. In 2014 and 2015, the word Tibet was employed 19 and 15 times, while last year, we were down to just four references.

India’s abstinence on this geopolitical faultline is in contrast with the Tibetan plateau’s importance to New Delhi’s security interests, especially in the northern sectors. With questions regarding a succession plan for the 14th Dalai Lama looming large, Washington has affirmed that it will not appoint a figurehead appointed by Beijing. While the US might view the Tibetan question as an arrow in its quiver against China’s growing expansionism, the Indian administration might be keeping its cards close to the chest, considering the contentious border issue that Beijing rakes up on demand.